鐵幕演講視頻譯文：

It is my duty however, for I am sure you would not wish me to not misstate the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

不管如何，我有責(zé)任把有關(guān)當(dāng)前歐洲形勢的某些事實擺在你們面前。

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow.

從波羅的海的什切青到亞得里亞海邊的的里雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經(jīng)降落下來。在這條線后面座落著中歐和東歐古國的都城。華沙、柏林、布拉格、維也納、布達佩斯、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特和索菲亞——所有這些名城及其居民無一不處在蘇聯(lián)的勢力范圍之內(nèi)，不僅以這種或那種形式屈服于蘇聯(lián)的勢力影響，而且還受到莫斯科日益增強的高壓控制。

Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

只有雅典放射著它不朽的光輝，在英、美、法三國現(xiàn)場觀察下，自由地決定它的前途。受俄國支配的波蘭政府在前者慫恿之下正對德國領(lǐng)土實行不義的大片侵占，正在以可悲而難以置信的規(guī)模把數(shù)以百萬計的德國人成群地驅(qū)逐出境。在所有這些東歐國家，原本弱小的共產(chǎn)黨已經(jīng)上升到同它們黨員人數(shù)遠不相稱的主導(dǎo)掌權(quán)地位，到處爭取極權(quán)主義的控制。警察政府幾乎在到處都占了上風(fēng)。到目前為之，除了捷克斯洛伐克，該地區(qū)根本沒有真正的民主。

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western democracies had conquered.

土耳其和波斯都為莫斯科政府向它們提出的要求以及施加的壓力而感到驚惶萬分。駐在柏林的俄國人正試圖通過對各左翼領(lǐng)導(dǎo)集團的袒護，在他們的德國占領(lǐng)區(qū)建立一個準(zhǔn)共產(chǎn)黨。去年6月戰(zhàn)斗結(jié)束時，美國和英國軍隊按照先前的協(xié)議從一條將近四百英里寬的戰(zhàn)線上西撤，在某些地方撤退距離深達一百五十英里。俄國人就這樣占領(lǐng)了西方民主國家所攻打下來的遼闊的土地。

If now the Soviet government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

現(xiàn)在，如果蘇聯(lián)政府試圖單獨行動，在他們的地區(qū)建立一個親共的德國，將會給英美兩國占領(lǐng)區(qū)制造嚴(yán)重的困難，戰(zhàn)敗的德國人將會得到在蘇聯(lián)和西方民主國家之間拍賣抬價的權(quán)力。這些都是事實。不論我們從中得到什么結(jié)論，這肯定不是我們進行武裝斗爭所要建立的自由歐洲，也不是一個具有永久和平必要條件的歐洲。

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend. Twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That, I feel, opens a course of policy of very great importance.

女士們先生們，世界的安全有賴于歐洲成為新的整體，沒有哪個國家應(yīng)當(dāng)被永遠排除在外。我們剛剛目睹的這場戰(zhàn)爭之所以發(fā)生就是因為歐洲強勢民族之間爭端不止。我們這一代人已經(jīng)兩次見到美國違背國內(nèi)意愿與傳統(tǒng)，不顧爭議與誰也不敢輕忽的力量，受無法抵擋的力量牽引著兩次步入戰(zhàn)爭，為正義一方爭取勝利，但兩次都等到可怖的屠殺與毀滅已然發(fā)生時才動身。有兩次，美國不得不派遣數(shù)百萬年輕人穿越大西洋去尋找戰(zhàn)爭;但如今，在黃昏和黎明之間，無論住在何處，戰(zhàn)爭都能找著。當(dāng)然，我們應(yīng)該有意識地在聯(lián)合國的結(jié)構(gòu)內(nèi)并根據(jù)我們的《憲章》為歐洲的大和平而努力。我認為，這開啟了一個非常重要的政策進程。

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless, the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I worked for a strong France, and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now.

在橫跨歐洲的鐵幕前面，還有其它令人焦慮的因素。意大利共產(chǎn)黨由于不得不支持共產(chǎn)黨訓(xùn)練的鐵托元帥對亞得里亞海頂端前意大利領(lǐng)土的要求而受到嚴(yán)重的牽制。盡管如此，意大利還是前途未卜。再一點，如果沒有一個強大的法國，歐洲的復(fù)興將是不可思議的。甚至在最黑暗的日子里，我也不曾對法國的命運喪失信心?，F(xiàn)在自然更不會。

However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

不過在遠離俄國邊界、遍布世界各地的許多國家里，共產(chǎn)黨第五縱隊已經(jīng)建立。它絕對服從來自共產(chǎn)主義中心的指令，完全協(xié)調(diào)地工作著。除了在英聯(lián)邦和美國——那里的共產(chǎn)主義運動還在嬰兒時代——共產(chǎn)黨第五縱隊到處都構(gòu)成對基督教文明的日益嚴(yán)重的挑釁和危險。這是任何人在取得勝利的次日都應(yīng)該謹記的黯淡事實。這一勝利是通過在戰(zhàn)斗中以及在自由和民主的事業(yè)中結(jié)成情誼深厚的戰(zhàn)友關(guān)系所取得的。如果我們不趁還來得及的時候正視這些事實，那就太不明智了。

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia. But it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected, by the best judges, to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

遠東尤其是滿洲地區(qū)的情況同樣不容樂觀。雅爾塔協(xié)議——我也是簽署人之一——極度偏向蘇俄，但是簽署該協(xié)議時誰也沒想到對德戰(zhàn)爭會在在1945年夏秋季過去之前結(jié)束，而根據(jù)當(dāng)時的主流意見對日作戰(zhàn)在對德戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束后還要持續(xù)一年半。在這個國家你們對于遠東局勢是很熟悉的，也一直是中國的忠實朋友，因此我在這里就不多說了。

I have however felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

但是我還是感到有責(zé)任對這片籠罩東西方世界的陰影進行描述。凡爾賽和約簽署期間我是一名政府大臣，也是英國代表團團長勞合-喬治先生的密友。我本人對于凡爾賽的許多做法都不以為然，但這一事件依舊給我留下了深刻印象，將當(dāng)時的情況與眼下相比實在令我心如刀絞。當(dāng)時的人們懷有高漲的希望與無限的信心，相信戰(zhàn)爭永不會重來，相信國聯(lián)無所不能。在眼下這個動蕩的世界，我完全沒有看到或感受到相同的信心或希望。

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today, while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere "waiting to see what happens." Nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

另一方面，女士們、先生們，我反對一場新戰(zhàn)爭不可避免的觀點，更反對它迫在眉睫的觀點。因為我相信我們的命運仍然掌握在我們自己的手中，我們擁有拯救未來的力量，我感到現(xiàn)在我有責(zé)任大聲疾呼，因為我現(xiàn)在有機會這樣做。我不相信蘇聯(lián)想要戰(zhàn)爭。他們所渴望的是戰(zhàn)爭的果實，以及他們權(quán)力和教義的無限擴張。但是，我們今天在這里，在還有時間的情況下，必須考慮的是永久防止戰(zhàn)爭，以及在所有國家盡快建立自由和民主的條件。我們的困難和危險不是閉上眼睛就能消除的。它們不會僅僅因為“等著看會發(fā)生什么”而消失。它們也不會被綏靖政策所消除。我們需要的是一項解決辦法，拖延的時間越長，解決辦法就越困難，我們的危險就會越大。

From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength. And there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty, and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. 

從我在戰(zhàn)爭中看到的俄羅斯朋友和盟國的情況來看，我相信，他們最欽佩的是力量。他們最不尊重的就是軟弱，尤其是軍事上的軟弱。正因為如此，舊的權(quán)力平衡學(xué)說是不健全的。如果我們能夠幫助它，我們就不能在狹小的范圍內(nèi)工作，為力量的考驗提供誘惑。如果西方民主國家嚴(yán)格遵守《聯(lián)合國憲章》的各項原則，它們對促進這些原則的影響將是巨大的，沒有人可能侵犯這些原則。然而，如果他們在各自的職責(zé)上出現(xiàn)分歧或動搖，如果讓這些至關(guān)重要的歲月悄悄溜走，那么災(zāi)難確實有可能壓垮我們所有人。上次我看到這一切都來了，我向自己的同胞和全世界大聲疾呼，但沒有人理會。

Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her, and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen -- and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. And surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let that happen again.

直到1933年，甚至1935年，德國都可能從降臨在她身上的可怕命運中拯救出來，我們也可能都不會遭受希特勒給人類帶來的苦難。在歷史上，沒有一場戰(zhàn)爭比剛剛使地球上如此廣大地區(qū)荒蕪的戰(zhàn)爭更容易通過及時行動加以預(yù)防。我相信，如果沒有一槍一彈，它是可以避免的，今天的德國可能是強大、繁榮和光榮的;但是沒有人愿意聽——我們一個接一個地被卷入可怕的漩渦。當(dāng)然，女士們，先生們，我告訴你們，當(dāng)然，我們不能讓這種事情再次發(fā)生。

Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony.

請不要低估不列顛帝國和英聯(lián)邦的堅持。你們或許看到了4600萬本島居民受到食品供應(yīng)的困擾，看到他們的糧食自給率只有一半，甚至在戰(zhàn)時也是如此。你們或許看到了在充滿激情的6年戰(zhàn)爭努力后我們在恢復(fù)工業(yè)生產(chǎn)與出口貿(mào)易方面所遭遇的困難。但絕不要以為我們無法像歷經(jīng)戰(zhàn)火洗禮的年月一樣挺過眼下物質(zhì)匱乏的黑暗時刻。

Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science, and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.

絕不要以為半個世紀(jì)之后你們不會看到7000至8000萬英國人遍布全世界，為了捍衛(wèi)我們的傳統(tǒng)、生活方式以及你我雙方共同支持的事業(yè)而團結(jié)在一起。如果在美國的人口之外再加上英語聯(lián)邦的人口，再加上這種合作關(guān)系所涉及的在空中、海上、科學(xué)和工業(yè)各方面的合作，那就不會出現(xiàn)不穩(wěn)定或不可靠的力量均衡，挑逗野心家和冒險家們輕舉妄動，相反將會出現(xiàn)壓倒性的安全保證。

If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for us, but for all; not only for our times, but for a century to come.

倘若我們忠實于聯(lián)合國憲章，以鎮(zhèn)定而清醒的力量向前邁進，不貪圖任何人的土地與財富，不對人類思想進行任何專斷控制;倘若英國所有道義上、物質(zhì)上的力量和信念，都同你們的力量和信念兄弟般的聯(lián)合在一起，那將不僅為我們、為我們的時代，而且也將為所有的人與未來的世紀(jì)帶來一個廣闊的前程，這是明確無疑的。